Історія та археологія
https://journals.cusu.in.ua/index.php/history
Publishing house "Helvetica"uk-UAІсторія та археологія3041-1653THE MEDIEVAL CITY OF RUS IN THE WORKS OF MYKHAILO HRUSHEVSKYI
https://journals.cusu.in.ua/index.php/history/article/view/925
<p>This work aims to systematize M. Hrushevsky’s concepts regarding the emergence and role of ancient Russian cities in the 9th–13th centuries in his scientific works of the late 19th–early 20th centuries. The study of the concept of the creation of ancient Russian cities in the works of M. Hrushevsky allows us to understand the scholar’s views on the processes of state formation and social evolution in the territory of Rus. Its relevance is enhanced by the need to rethink classical historiographical approaches to the study of urbanization processes in the early Middle Ages. The purpose of the study is to analyze and systematize M. Hrushevsky’s views on the origin and functions of medieval cities in Rus in the context of his concept of the territorial principle of social organization. The research methodology is based on the principles of historical objectivity, impartiality, and comprehensiveness, using analytical and synthetic methods, historical-comparative, problem-chronological, and descriptive approaches. The scientific novelty and result lie in a comprehensive historiographical study of the transformation of M. Hrushevsky’s concepts throughout his scientific activity regarding the central theme – the formation and significance of ancient Rus cities in the 9th–13th centuries. It has been established that M. Hrushevsky substantiated the concept of the territorial principle as the basis of early social organization, where the city acted as the center of community formation. The transformation from defensive functions to political domination over the suburbs has been traced. The conclusions demonstrate that M. Hrushevsky moved from a simple description of the origin of cities, characteristic of his predecessors, to a deeper analytical approach, albeit with limited and one-sided use of archaeological materials. The scholar viewed ancient cities as key centers of public and political life in early Rus, where major historical events took place. The historian supports the concept of the gradual development of ancient fortified settlements into influential political and economic centers. He particularly studied the transformation of power structures and society in the process of state formation. M. Hrushevsky’s concept demonstrates a comprehensive approach to understanding urbanization processes, combining geographical, social, and political factors in the formation of Old Rus’ power.</p>Leonid Mohylnyi
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2025-12-102025-12-10291810.32782/cusu-hist-2025-2-1SOVIET HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE POST-WAR RECONSTRUCTION OF LUHANSK REGION
https://journals.cusu.in.ua/index.php/history/article/view/926
<p>The article presents a comprehensive historiographical analysis of Soviet studies on the post-war reconstruction of Luhansk region in the 1940s–1950s. It is emphasized that the region was viewed by the Soviet authorities as part of the industrial area of Donbas – one of the USSR’s main industrial “showcases” – which determined its special place in propaganda constructs and official historiography. It is demonstrated that the restoration of industry, the agricultural sector, and social infrastructure was interpreted by Soviet historians through the prism of the “leading role of the CPSU,” the “labor heroism of the people,” and the “successful implementation of Stalin’s industrial policy”. At the same time, problematic aspects of economic development, such as the famine of 1946–1947, shortages of resources, and the use of prisoner-of-war labor, were either silenced or mentioned only in veiled terms. The author stresses that Soviet historiography was dominated by generalizing works based on party documents, statistical data, and publications in the central press, which limited the potential for objective scholarly analysis. Luhansk region was thus mostly treated not as an independent territorial unit, but as part of Donbas, which led to the neglect of its local economic specificities during the studied period. The contribution of Soviet economic historians of the 1950s–1970s, the authors of collective generalizing publications (The History of Cities and Villages of the Ukrainian SSR, Voroshilovgrad Region), as well as local researchers, is highlighted. It is concluded that Soviet historiography of the post-war reconstruction of Luhansk region performed not only a scholarly but also a distinctly propagandistic function, creating enduring myths about the “victories of socialism”, which are still actively exploited by hostile Russian propaganda in its information war against Ukraine. The study of this issue is therefore an important task for contemporary Ukrainian scholarship, as it fosters a critical reassessment of the Soviet legacy and helps to counteract information manipulation in the context of the Russian-Ukrainian war.</p>Olexandr Naboka
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2025-12-102025-12-102192410.32782/cusu-hist-2025-2-2CIVIC AND HISTORICAL EDUCATION INDUSTRY IN THE CONDITIONS OF SOCIAL TRANSFORMATIONS OF THE 20th – 21st CENTURIES
https://journals.cusu.in.ua/index.php/history/article/view/927
<p>The article analyzes the stages and paradigms of the transformation of the social science educational branch in Ukraine (civic and historical educational branches). The directions and further prospects for the study of the outlined issues are determined. The peculiarity of the civic and historical educational branch is that its reform began perhaps the earliest of all other educational branches. The year of the “great turning point” for the social science educational branch, as it was called before the introduction of the New Ukrainian School program, was 1991. The restoration of Ukrainian statehood immediately affected the paradigm of changes in teaching the history of Ukraine by the transition to the principle of Ukrainian-centrism. The main task of this educational branch was to educate a citizen-patriot of the restored Ukrainian state. The civic and historical educational branch went through several stages of reform during the transformation of Ukrainian education in the 20th – 21st centuries. At the present stage, these tasks have not changed; they must be improved and modernized, because they are of great importance for Ukraine at the present stage of state formation, when the solution of the “Ukrainian question” is more relevant than ever for the whole world. At the present stage of the development of Ukrainian pedagogy, the goal of the civic and historical educational field is the development of the student’s personality through understanding the past, present and the connections between them, the interaction between global, all-Ukrainian and local processes; the formation of the identity of a citizen of Ukraine, his active civic position on the principles of democracy, patriotism, respect for human rights and freedoms, recognition of the value of the rule of law and intolerance to corruption. In the conditions of an informational, post-industrial society, the emergence of a new generation of visuals with a kind of clip thinking, Ukrainian historical education has undergone qualitative changes related to the challenges of today: the Covid pandemic, which led to the transition to distance and blended learning, the Russian-Ukrainian war. The forms and methods of teaching have changed, but the tasks and goals of historical education have remained constant: educating generations of Ukrainian patriots. The experience of previous generations has been taken into account by their students: educators and scientists who were formed in the conditions of independent Ukraine.</p>Yurii Mytrofanenko
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2025-12-102025-12-102253110.32782/cusu-hist-2025-2-3THE MARTAKI CENTURY: GENEALOGY AND LEGACY OF THE MERCHANT DYNASTY IN NOVOMYRHOROD REGION (1823–1923)
https://journals.cusu.in.ua/index.php/history/article/view/928
<p>The article is the first systematic study of the history of the Martaki family of Greek origin from Nizhyn, whose members held leading positions in the economic, cultural and public life of the Yelysavethrad region from the second half of the 19th to the early 20th centuries. Based on a wide range of documents from Ukrainian archives (parish and confessional registers, as well as revision lists), the article traces the appearance of the oldest known representative of the family, Ivan Yuriiovych Martaki, in the territory of modern Kropyvnytskyi region in the 1820s. The family composition has been established, and key events in the family history over several generations have been highlighted. Through the analysis of tax lists, notarial acts and other documents, the process of the family’s acquisition of real estate in Novomyrhorod and the gradual strengthening of its material position has been reconstructed in chronological order. The property status and sphere of Mykhailo Martaki’s economic activities are outlined, and biographical information about his daughter, the well‑known patroness Hanna Dmytrian, is clarified. The exact place and date of her birth have been established, and reliable information about her marriage to Afanasii Dmytrian has been found. The procedure for the distribution of Mykhailo Martaki’s inheritance between his widow Kseniia, his eldest son Feodosii, and his younger children is examined in detail. Due to the analysis of information about godparents and witnesses at weddings, an attempt has been made to outline the circle of Martaki’s family and social ties, which allows the social context of their lives to be recreated. The results obtained can be useful for the further development of historical and regional studies of Kropyvnytskyi region, the study of local socio‑economic history and genealogy. A promising direction for future studies is to expand the chronological and geographical boundaries of the research by involving new archival materials, as well as the source potential of headstones, which will make it possible to trace the fate of Martaki’s descendants both within the territory of the studied region and beyond its borders.</p>Anton Hanul
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2025-12-102025-12-102324210.32782/cusu-hist-2025-2-4URBAN POPULATION OF YELISAVETGRAD AND OLEKSANDRIYA COUNTIES OF THE KHERSON GOVERNORATE IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE 19TH CENTURY
https://journals.cusu.in.ua/index.php/history/article/view/929
<p>The study provides a comprehensive analysis of the urban population of the Yelisavetgrad and Oleksandriya districts of the Kherson province in the second half of the 19th century. The main focus is on the social structure, ethnic composition, religious affiliation, literacy level, and demographic dynamics of city dwellers. Key trends in the socio-economic development of settlements are identified, reflecting the processes of urbanization, industrialization, and the formation of new social strata of the urban population – entrepreneurs, artisans, clerks, workers, intellectuals, and representatives of the petty bourgeoisie. Based on the analysis of statistical compilations, population censuses, materials from local statistical bodies, and local historical sources, a comparative analysis was carried out of the structure of the urban population, the ratio of national groups, the specifics of their social status, as well as cultural and religious traditions and their influence on social and economic processes in urban communities. Particular attention is paid to the influence of the religious composition of the population on the formation of social interaction, the participation of various groups in craft, trade, and educational activities, as well as in the cultural life of cities. The study allows us to trace the processes of urban environment formation, changes in the structure of employment, social mobility of the population, increasing literacy and the spread of education among different social strata, as well as the role of education, science, and culture in the development of urban communities. The work highlights the importance of urbanization for the socio-economic development of the region, the formation of urban institutions, interethnic relations, and the interaction of different religious and national groups. The results of the study are of scientific and practical value for further study of the history of urbanization, social evolution of cities, demographic processes, socio-cultural development, and infrastructure changes in the territory of the modern Kirovohrad region. The study contributes to a deeper understanding of the historical preconditions for the formation of the social structure of the urban population of southern Ukraine and the role of education, culture, and interethnic interaction in the life of cities.</p>Larisa Filoretova
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2025-12-102025-12-102435010.32782/cusu-hist-2025-2-5“THE FIRST UKRAINIAN PUBLIC FIGURE” OF YELISAVETGRAD
https://journals.cusu.in.ua/index.php/history/article/view/930
<p>The article reveals the insufficient researched national and patriotic, cultural and educational activities of Mykola Fedorovich Fedorovsky, who was a hard worker in the national field in the second half of the 19th and at the beginning of the 20th centuries. Being a talented social activist, a community organiser, an educator, a publicist, a philanthropist and a military personnel, he worked hard on the claim of the ukrainian culture and national self-identification among the population of the Yelisavetgrad Region. That was a brave and risky work in the conditions when the cultural and educational policy of tsarism was closely interwined with the national one for the sake of gradual fusion of all national regions in one state through such things as denationalization and forced russification. Besides, the military service specificity also foresaw a number of limitations. Nevertheless, the activist made a great effort to form an extended successful history of the Yelisavetgrad crafts and literacy specialized school and the Society for the dissemination of literacy and crafts. Those unique and specific institutions refined the cultural and educational level of the population significantly. Different charitable Sunday reading rooms of progressive literature were organized by the efforts of the teachers and students of the Yelisavetgrad crafts and literacy specialized school, members of the Yelisavetgrad literacy and crafts society among the townspeople and in addition they arranged various dramatic performances, different concerts, art exhibitions and a free public library-reading room was established. Besides, an active organisational work of M. Fedorovsky was a fundamental part in the formation of the first professional Ukrainian Coryphaei theater. The article also shows a number of examples where Mykola Fedorovich Fedorovsky propagandized and expanded systemically and persistently the ukrainian language, art, national and patriotic education for the sake of development of ukrainization of the region. The Yelisavetgrad prolific period of life of the dedicatee was the time when local progressive intelligence was developing and clustering on a national and humanistic basis where the central role of M. Fedorovsky was undisputable.</p>Vladislav Zatulyviter
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2025-12-102025-12-102515910.32782/cusu-hist-2025-2-6ON PERIODICAL PUBLICATIONS OF THE CONFEDERATION OF ANARCHIST ORGANIZATIONS “NABAT” IN THE YELYSAVETRAD DISTRICT DURING THE UKRAINIAN REVOLUTION OF 1917–1921
https://journals.cusu.in.ua/index.php/history/article/view/931
<p>The activities of the Confederation of Anarchist Organizations of Ukraine “Nabat” are of considerable interest to researchers of the socio-political movement, in particular, anarchism at the beginning of the 20th century. The purpose of the work is to study the periodicals that were published by the Confederation of Anarchist Organizations of Ukraine “Nabat” in the territory of the Yelysavetgrad district during the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921. The research methodology is based on the principles of historicism, systematics, and the historical-comparative method. The scientific novelty is due to the need to study periodicals of anarchist orientation, which were published in the Yelysavetgrad region, with the subsequent highlighting of the features of rhetoric, the arrangement of the main accents in agitation and propaganda. The problems of following the key theses already developed by the theorists of anarchism for popularizing ideas among the population, covering political events and providing assessments of competing political forces are considered. It is noted that political parties of the early twentieth century actively used periodicals in their agitation and propaganda. Anarchists, despite their weak self-discipline, also drew attention to the prospects of periodicals as a platform for disseminating ideas and a certain dialogue with like-minded people in other organizations. Periodicals of the anarchist movement remain little studied and promising within the framework of the all-Ukrainian and regional dimensions of scientific research. The problem of reconstructing the history of anarchist groups and organizations is important not only in understanding Ukrainian society at the beginning of the 20th century (since they occupied their niche in the socio-political movement of that time, bringing their own special accents), but also in world history, as one of the few examples of practical experience of attempts to implement libertarian left-wing political projects. Only their successors during the Spanish Civil War can be comparable in scope, where some of the participants used the experience of anarchism during the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921.</p>Dmytro Kobzar
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2025-12-102025-12-102606610.32782/cusu-hist-2025-2-7IDENTIFICATION OF THE ANTI-RELIGIOUS POLICY OF THE STALINIST TOTALITARIAN REGIME THROUGH THE PRISM OF THE SATIRIC AND HUMOROUS MAGAZINE “RED PEPPER” (1927–1934)
https://journals.cusu.in.ua/index.php/history/article/view/932
<p>One of the strategic directions of Stalin’s totalitarian regime was its anti-religious policy, which intensified in the late 1920s – early 1930s. In order to clarify the specific features of the Bolshevik struggle against religious and church institutions, it is necessary to involve various types of sources, among which mass media played a decisive role. Soviet mass media were always an effective tool in shaping the desired public attitudes. Therefore, studying their activities makes it possible to highlight the technologies of Stalin’s totalitarian policy regarding the organization and implementation of anti-religious propaganda. An important role in constructing a positive image of the communist authorities through the bipolar antagonistic paradigm of “us–them”, with correspondingly negative connotations of numerous internal and external enemies, was played by the satirical-humorous magazine Chervonyi Perets (“Red Pepper”). Thanks to its specific humorous language, the magazine’s content quickly gained popularity and became understandable to different social strata. Carefully selected professional staff, through persuasive verbal and visual means, systematically imposed the “correct” myths and stereotypes. As a result, official humor was transformed into an instrument of intimidation, persecution, and manipulation. The main narratives of anti-religious propaganda encouraged the clergy to renounce their rank and believers to renounce their faith; to close churches; to destroy religious attributes; to nationalize church property; to strengthen atheistic education, etc. In addition to the clergy, the authorities deliberately waged their anti-religious struggle specifically against the poorly educated Ukrainian peasantry, which had always shown the highest level of religiosity. The policy of collectivization and anti-religious pressure provoked peasant resistance and an insurgent movement, which became the most widespread in the Soviet Union. Stalin’s regime consciously turned the Ukrainian peasant into one of its irreconcilable internal enemies – the “kulak” and the “accomplice of the clergy”.</p>Natalka ZhmudAnatolii Voynarovskyi
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2025-12-102025-12-102677410.32782/cusu-hist-2025-2-8CRIMES AGAINST ORPHANS AND CHILDREN WITH DISABILITIES DURING THE NAZI OCCUPATION OF UKRAINE 1941–1944
https://journals.cusu.in.ua/index.php/history/article/view/933
<p>The Nazi occupation became one of the most tragic chapters in Ukrainian history. The crimes of the German occupation regime affected all aspects of the life of the Ukrainian people, but its actions reached particular brutality in relation to the most vulnerable group of the population – children. At the centre of the study is the fate of orphans and children with disabilities, who found themselves in conditions that surpassed any conceivable horrors of war. The article analyzes the policy of the German occupation authorities towards orphanages in Ukraine, including the implementation of the “T4 Aktion”, racist selection practices, and coercive measures of Germanisation. It examines conditions of nutrition, medical care, access to education, and the spread of infectious diseases among children. Special attention is given to acts of violence, deportation, genocide, and the psychological traumas endured by the child population of Ukraine. It highlights the fate of orphans, who became victims of starvation, diseases, social indifference, and the devaluation of human life under the Nazi policy of “Lebensraum in the East”. It is emphasised that children with disabilities and Jewish children were among the first groups targeted for extermination. The study attempts to present a systematic analysis of the living conditions of orphans in Ukraine during the occupation, as well as to examine the social, psychological, and cultural consequences for children under the Nazi regime. Research into this issue not only helps reconstruct the scale of crimes committed against children in occupied Ukraine but also reveals their impact on post-war social and demographic development. Attention is drawn to the responsibility of the Soviet authorities for abandoning children in orphanages to their fate during the German advance, which led to mass casualties. Based on archival documents, eyewitness testimonies, and materials of the Extraordinary State Commission, it has been established that orphans were among the most defenceless social groups, deprived of basic means of survival and support. The peculiarities of orphan evacuation are also analyzed, including the selective approach of the authorities, who saved children considered important for political or ideological reasons (such as Spanish children), while leaving others behind. The study further explores the Soviet practice of post-war interpretation of these events, where victims were generalised without social or national identification, and children with disabilities remained outside the official discourse. This research is an attempt at a comprehensive analysis of the tragedy of childhood in wartime, forming of an objective picture of the situation in orphanages during the occupation of Ukraine. It also represents an important moral act of preserving the memory of the victims of child genocide, which holds significant meaning for contemporary Ukrainian society.</p>Oleh MarchenkoVolodymyr Shevchenko
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2025-12-102025-12-102758610.32782/cusu-hist-2025-2-9DEVELOPMENT OF SCIENTIFIC (SCIENTIFIC-PEDAGOGICAL) RESEARCH IN STATE SECURITY BODIES IN THE USSR (1945–1991)
https://journals.cusu.in.ua/index.php/history/article/view/934
<p>The article, based on previously closed literature and documents of Soviet special services, reveals the features of the mechanism for organizing scientific (scientific-practical) activities of the USSR state security bodies and their institutions (subdivisions) in the Ukrainian SSR in 1945–1991, in particular, the determination of research and scientific-pedagogical directions and tasks by the features of state policy, ideological course, and priorities of operational-service activities of the special service itself. The leading scientific-research centers of the KGB of the USSR are characterized, as well as the organization of work on scientific support for counterintelligence, intelligence, information-analytical, expert-forensic activities of the special service in the conditions of global inter-bloc confrontation (“Cold War”). Separately, the scientific activities of the departmental institution of special education – the Higher Courses of the KGB of the USSR in Kyiv, the growth of their scientific potential, leading research achievements, and the impact on the content of the work of the “perestroika” processes in the USSR are considered. For the first time, the creation and activities in 1967–1971 within the structure of the KGB of the Ukrainian SSR of the 6th Department (research work) are highlighted, which dealt with the problems of counterintelligence activities and developed “scientific foundations for organizing the fight against the subversive activities of Ukrainian bourgeois nationalists” within the framework of special propaganda measures and counteraction to “ideological sabotage” of foreign nationalist centers, and also developed a draft regulation on the “Scientific Chekist Society”. This involves involving departmental scientists in the study of the tragic pages of the Soviet period of Ukrainian history, legal support for the rehabilitation process of victims of illegal political repressions, archeographic projects on the history of special services in World War II, on the activities of the OUN and UPA movements, etc.</p>Dmytro Viedienieiev
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2025-12-102025-12-102879810.32782/cusu-hist-2025-2-10ACTIONS AGAINST THE SOVIET INTERVENTION IN AFGHANISTAN IN 1979–1989 IN THE UKRAINIAN SSR (BASED ON MATERIALS FROM THE SBU BRANCH ARCHIVE)
https://journals.cusu.in.ua/index.php/history/article/view/935
<p>Based on documents from the Branch Archive of the Security Service of Ukraine, actions against the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan in 1979–1989 in the Ukrainian SSR were studied, their possible influence on the public mood of the republic's citizens and their impact on the socio-political situation in the USSR were clarified. It has been established that information messages and reports from the KGB of the Ukrainian SSR indicate that some citizens of the republic condemned the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and were prepared to take active measures against it. Such actions can be divided into several groups. The first and most numerous group consisted of the production of anonymous letters, leaflets, inscriptions in public places, etc. The second can be defined as calls for protest actions (no such actions were recorded). The third group consisted of actions by individual citizens, which can be defined as hooliganism, but which also testified to their attitude towards the foreign policy of the USSR, in particular, towards the ‘Afghan question’. However, despite the large number of such actions, their impact on public opinion and, even more so, on the Soviet authorities was insignificant. As can be seen from the documents, the leaflets were produced in small quantities and could not compete with the official media, which had a much more effective influence on the political mood of the citizens of the Soviet Union. Judging by the same documents, which clearly recorded the dates and names of those involved, these were isolated cases on the scale of the Ukrainian SSR, to which the Soviet special services responded promptly. It can be assumed that most of the individuals involved were in some way connected to the war in Afghanistan, so their actions were a kind of reaction to it. The rest of the republic's citizens were indifferent to the events in Afghanistan. At the same time, the presence of even a small number of such active opponents of the Kremlin's policies was critical to the growth of protest sentiment, which became increasingly noticeable from the mid-1980s onwards. It can therefore be argued that the anti-war actions of the citizens of the Ukrainian SSR in connection with the Soviet aggression in Afghanistan were one of the factors in the crisis of the Soviet system and brought Ukraine closer to independence in 1991.</p>Oleksii Kutsenko
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2025-12-102025-12-1029910610.32782/cusu-hist-2025-2-11UKRAINIAN COSSACK MOVEMENT FROM THE LATE 1980S TO THE EARLY 2020S AS A MANIFESTATION OF CIVIC INITIATIVE
https://journals.cusu.in.ua/index.php/history/article/view/936
<p>The article addresses the contemporary Cossack movement that emerged in the late 1980s. Attention is given to the nature of this sociocultural phenomenon, which arose due to the initiative of citizens of the former Ukrainian SSR, and later, of the independent state of Ukraine. The role of the state itself in the further development of the Cossacks proved to be minimal, in fact limited to the legal registration of new organizational initiatives. The Cossack movement in Ukraine from the late 1980s to the early 2020s was characterized by a considerable number of participants, an emphasis on historical traditions, volunteer activity, and contributions to nationalpatriotic education. At the same time, it was marked by the fragmentation of established structures, ineffective management (weakness of elites), and difficulties in (self-)financing. The article comprehensively traces the circumstances of the emergence and evolution of the Cossack movement, noting its advantages and disadvantages. It is emphasized that its shortcomings had an exceptionally profound (fundamental) nature, as they reflected the very essence of civic initiative as such. In the historical realities of the late 1980s to the early 2020s, this initiative was closely linked to the Soviet legacy. While references to the traditions of the early modern era were largely symbolic and ceremonial, the recent communist past – formally renounced – continued to manifest itself mentally from time to time. It is concluded that the key challenge for the preservation and revitalization of the Cossack movement lies in the further development of civil society. In this context, the Orange Revolution and the Revolution of Dignity can be fully regarded as manifestations of the Cossack spirit of Ukrainians. The author pays tribute to the participants of the Cossack movement, who voluntarily engaged in numerous civic initiatives, devoting their time, energy, and financial resources. This history requires further systematic study.</p>Yuriy Prysiazhniuk
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2025-12-102025-12-10210711310.32782/cusu-hist-2025-2-12PERSONNEL APPOINTMENTS IN THE EPISCOPATE OF THE TERNOPILZBORIV METROPOLIS UGCC AS PROCESSES OF STRUCTURE REJUVENATION (2019–2024)
https://journals.cusu.in.ua/index.php/history/article/view/938
<p>The article examines personnel appointments within the Ternopil–Zboriv Metropolitanate of the UGCC during 2019–2024 in the context of rejuvenating the episcopate in the region. It was found that a number of these processes were similar to those taking place in other eparchies of the UGCC. Special attention is given to changes in the leadership of the Metropolitanate—specifically, the resignation of Bishop Vasyl Semeniuk and the appointment of his successor to the see. Purpose of the article is to analyze the key episcopal appointments in the Ternopil–Zboriv Metropolitanate of the UGCC within the framework of the policy of rejuvenating the leadership of this ecclesiastical unit during 2019–2024. For the first time in historiography, a review of episcopal appointments in the Ternopil–Zboriv Metropolitanate of the UGCC in 2019–2024 has been conducted. It has been demonstrated that this was a gradual process encompassing both changes at the level of the Metropolitanate’s eparchies and the anticipated change of leadership due to Bishop Vasyl Semeniuk reaching the age of 75. Analysis of historiography and media materials made it possible to systematize information about episcopal appointments in the Ternopil–Zboriv Metropolitanate during 2019–2024. The use of the historical-biographical method contributed to reconstructing the key events related to the issue under study. The analysis shows that episcopal appointments in the Ternopil–Zboriv Metropolitanate of the UGCC during 2019–2024 constituted a logical step in renewing the leadership of this ecclesiastical unit. All of the analyzed processes reflect both the resolution of personnel issues within the Metropolitanate and broader trends toward rejuvenating its senior leadership.</p>Andriі Zhuk
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2025-12-102025-12-10211412010.32782/cusu-hist-2025-2-13ESTABLISHMENT OF CHEMISTRY AS A SCIENCE AT KHARKIV UNIVERSITY AND IN THE CENTRAL DNIPRO REGION IN THE SECOND THIRD OF THE 19TH CENTURY
https://journals.cusu.in.ua/index.php/history/article/view/946
<p>The article is devoted to the study of the process of establishing chemistry as an independent science at Kharkiv University and in the territories of the Central Dnieper region during the second third of the nineteenth century. The author substantiates the relevance of the topic through the prism of modernization processes that encompassed the educational and scientific spheres of the Ukrainian lands in the nineteenth century, emphasizing the importance of the formation of local scientific schools for the further development of national science. The current state of research on the problem and the source base is analyzed, including both general and educational works on the history of chemistry, as well as specialized studies devoted to the institutional history of universities and thematic aspects of the development of specific scientific directions. At the same time, significant gaps have been identified: the absence of synthetic works, insufficient attention to the archival collections of university professors, and the limited study of the interaction between science and the economic and sociocultural environment of the region. The main body of the article focuses on the activities of Kharkiv scholars who laid the foundations of academic chemistry: V. Lapshin, P. Einbrodt, O. Khodnev, I. Kosov, and M. Beketov. Their contribution to the establishment of laboratory infrastructure, the development of electrochemical research, the introduction of courses in physiological and technical chemistry, and the founding of the school of physical chemistry is highlighted. It is shown that during 1835–1863, chemistry gradually acquired institutional status as a university discipline and separated from pharmaceutical and physical studies. Special attention is paid to the role of Kharkiv University as a center for training scientific personnel and transferring knowledge to regional scientific societies and educational institutions of Katerynoslav, Poltava, Yelysavethrad, and Zaporizhzhia. The forms of cooperation between Kharkiv chemists and local communities are defined: delivering public lectures, conducting experimental studies of water and soil, providing consultations for industry, and creating educational courses in real schools. It is emphasized that this practical orientation of science contributed to the integration of university research into the economic and cultural development of the region. In conclusion, it is emphasized that the second third of the nineteenth century became a turning point in the process of establishing chemistry in the Central Dnieper region. During this period, the discipline gained academic autonomy, systematic teaching of new courses began, teachers and researchers were trained, and connections between the university and regional institutions were established. Thus, chemistry in the region emerges not only as an academic discipline but also as an important factor in the social modernization of the Ukrainian lands within the Russian Empire.</p>Denys Buhor
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2025-12-102025-12-10219320310.32782/cusu-hist-2025-2-21BIOGRAPHY, MEDICAL PRACTICE, AND SCIENTIFIC ACTIVITY OF THE VOLYN SURGEON WOLF SOKOLSKY (1920–2012)
https://journals.cusu.in.ua/index.php/history/article/view/947
<p>The article presents the key milestones in the life and career of the prominent surgeon, a disciple of Mykola Amosov, Candidate of Medical Sciences, Wolf Moiseiovych Sokolsky. The article analyzes Sokolsky's years of study at medical institutes and his professional formation as a surgeon. It pays particular attention to his personal contribution to the development of surgery and the establishment of medical institutions in Volyn Oblast. It examines Sokolsky’s scientific collaboration and communication with his teacher, the renowned Ukrainian surgeon Mykola Amosov. The article outlines Amosov’s role in Sokolsky’s scientific and professional advancement, as well as his assistance in equipping provincial hospitals, particularly in Volyn Oblast. In view of Sokolsky’s Jewish origin, the article addresses the accusations he faced during the Stalinist repressions in the so-called “Doctors’ Case” (1952–1953). The article explores Sokolsky’s research areas, in particular his study of thoracic surgery (chest surgery), abdominal surgery, and cardiac surgery. It highlights Sokolsky’s contribution to the study of chronic traumatic bursitis, an occupational disease affecting the knee and elbow joint capsules of miners. He proposed methods for preventing miners’ occupational diseases, including the development of special knee pads for work uniforms. The article presents new medical techniques developed by Sokolsky as a result of his research. It highlights the impact of Sokolsky’s medical achievements on enhancing the skills of his colleagues – junior and less experienced doctors of the Novovolynsk medical unit. It also sheds light on the personal and family life of Wolf Sokolsky.</p>Yurii Velinets
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2025-12-102025-12-10220421110.32782/cusu-hist-2025-2-22THE CONFRONTATION BETWEEN THE RED ARMY AND THE WEHRMACHT IN THE KYIV DIRECTION IN 1941 AS REFLECTED IN THE UKRAINIAN NEWSPAPER “SVOBODA” IN THE USA
https://journals.cusu.in.ua/index.php/history/article/view/942
<p>The article highlights materials related to the confrontation between the Red Army and the Wehrmacht in the Kyiv direction in 1941, which were published in July-October 1941 on the pages of the Ukrainian newspaper “Svoboda” in the USA. It is concluded that the newspaper included diverse publications on this topic: brief information about the hostilities based on the presentation of front line reports of both parties in the war; presentation of analytical articles by military experts with an assessment of the strategy and tactics of the opponents; reviews of the battles near Kyiv from other countries; particular cartographic documents, photos, etc. Certain assessments and analytical judgments cited in the “Svoboda” publications at the time, in particular highlighting the fact that the Red Army Command and Stalin himself were responsible for the inability to resist the German offensive, find endorsement in the works of modern researchers describing the defeats of the Red Army in 1941, including near Kyiv. The general tone of the materials used by “Svoboda” demonstrates its position that is both anti-Soviet and critical towards Nazi Germany. Soviet and German reports were presented on the whole proportionally. The newspaper tried to present the reports on the course of military operations in the Kyiv direction by both opposing sides, and in this regard acts mainly as a secondary source for researchers. The newspaper’s analytical publications on the subject set out some of the opinions of American military experts about the encirclement of the Soviet armies near Kyiv as a major strategic manoeuvre, and the assessment of talented German military leaders, in particular Guderian, as one of the most capable commanders in the German tank strategy. The rate and surprise of the offensive, the concentration of forces, the close interaction of the branches of the military, the encirclement of the main enemy forces by tank forces have repeatedly brought success to the German side since the beginning of World War II. These same factors, along with the grave mistakes by the top Soviet leadership and military command, also determined the outcome of the confrontation between the Red Army and the Wehrmacht in the Kyiv direction in 1941.</p>Viktor Grinchenko
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2025-12-102025-12-10215116210.32782/cusu-hist-2025-2-17DISINFORMATION AS A DIRECTION FOR PREPARING AND CONDUCTING OPERATIONS “DESERT SHIELD” AND “DESERT STORM”: EXPERIENCE AND RESULTS
https://journals.cusu.in.ua/index.php/history/article/view/943
<p>The article examines the experience of organizing and conducting disinformation campaigns during the operations Desert Shield and Desert Storm (1990–1991) in the Persian Gulf. Based on analytical and documentary sources, the study reveals the role of disinformation as an integral part of the information policy of the United States and its allies, aimed at misleading the Iraqi military and political leadership, lowering the morale of Iraqi troops, and shaping a positive international image of the coalition forces. It is emphasized that the campaign was carried out in accordance with a special plan approved at the highest state level and relied on close coordination between military, intelligence, scientific, and media institutions. Particular attention is paid to the role of mass media, which became the main instrument of the disinformation strategy. Through controlled leaks, manipulation of facts, and military censorship, the global community was persuaded to view Iraq as a global threat – a state allegedly possessing weapons of mass destruction and supporting terrorism. It is noted that control over the media space ensured the coalition an almost complete informational advantage: up to 70% of all news about the war worldwide originated from American sources. The article analyzes the main directions of disinformation against the enemy, including concealing the true plans of operations, simulating preparations for an amphibious assault, transmitting false orders, and applying psychological influences through rumors, religious, and cultural manipulation. These measures successfully misled Iraq’s leadership regarding the timing and direction of the coalition’s main offensive, which contributed to a rapid and low-casualty victory. The author argues that disinformation served not only a military but also a political function — legitimizing the war in the eyes of the international community. It is noted that the effective organization of such operations, using a wide range of information and psychological technologies, is a key factor in successful warfare. The article concludes that the experience of the Persian Gulf disinformation campaign should be taken into account in the context of the ongoing Russian-Ukrainian war, where the information domain has become a battlefield of global confrontation, and control over perception and public consciousness has emerged as one of the crucial elements of national security.</p>Serhii Ivanenko
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2025-12-102025-12-10216316910.32782/cusu-hist-2025-2-18MILITARY AND INFORMATION AND PSYCHOLOGICAL OPERATIONS OF THE MUJAHIDEEN ON SOVIET TERRITORY DURING THE AFGHAN WAR OF THE USSR (1979–1989)
https://journals.cusu.in.ua/index.php/history/article/view/944
<p>For the first time in Ukrainian historiography, the military and information-psychological operations of the Afghan mujahideen on the territory of the Soviet republics of Central Asia has been examined, as well as their results, their military-political and propaganda influence on the unfolding of the Soviet-Afghan war, internal political processes in the USSR, and international relations in the region and the world at the final stage of the Cold War. Historical sources of various origins indicate that combat operations during the Soviet-Afghan war from 1979 to 1989 periodically took place on its territory. This was part of the mujahideen's tactics and, at the same time, the strategy of the United States and Pakistan, which sought to force Moscow to “pay dearly for Afghanistan”. While such actions were spontaneous until the mid-1980s, in 1986–1987 they became carefully planned, larger in scale, and therefore more effective. This was facilitated by increased financial and military assistance to the Afghan opposition from the US and its allies, closer cooperation between the CIA and the ISI, and coordination of the mujahideen's combat activities with Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence. The military operations of Afghan insurgents on the territory of the Soviet Union can be divided into two types. The first was shelling of the Soviet Central Asian border from the territory of Afghanistan, which was carried out more frequently. The other type consisted of sabotage “raids” on Soviet territory itself. In addition to the military component, these raids also had an informational and psychological component: during such actions, the mujahideen distributed Islamic, anti-Soviet, and other propaganda leaflets, literature, etc. to the territory of the Soviet republics of Central Asia. Such pinpoint operations on Soviet territory, like all other mujahideen combat operations in Afghanistan, could not have a decisive impact on the course of the Afghan war, let alone cause significant damage to the Soviet military machine. It was rather part of the “death by a thousand cuts” tactic, which had repeatedly proven itself during the guerrilla war. Along with the military consequences, the actions of Afghan rebels in the Central Asian borderlands undermined the USSR's authority as an almighty superpower in the eyes of both its ideological opponents in the Cold War and its satellites in the “socialist camp”. In addition, this threatened to increase anti-government sentiment and even centrifugal tendencies in the republics of Central Asia. Although the military and political consequences of the mujahideen's combat and information-psychological operations on the territory of the USSR during the Afghan War of 1979–1989 were minimal, they were one of the factors in the military and political defeat of the Soviet Union in Afghanistan and in the Cold War in general.</p>Oleksandr Kovalkov
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2025-12-102025-12-10217018410.32782/cusu-hist-2025-2-19INFORMATION AND PROPAGANDA INFLUENCES OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION IN CRIMEA (1991–2014)
https://journals.cusu.in.ua/index.php/history/article/view/945
<p>The article examines the experience of the Russian Federation’s information and propaganda influence in Crimea from the moment of Ukraine’s declaration of independence until the end of the special operation of Russian troops (forces) to seize Crimea, commonly called the “Crimean Spring”. The reasons for the first unsuccessful attempt to seize Crimea by the Russian Federation, the period of the so-called “Crimean crisis” (1992–1994) are considered. Possible reasons for the failure (suspension) of actions to capture the Crimean Peninsula at that time and further events and crises in and around Crimea, which were inspired by the Russian Federation in order to rock the situation on the peninsula until its annexation in 2014. Based on the results of the analysis of these events, the author identified the main reasons for the success of the Russian special services’ information and propaganda activities directly during the so-called “Crimean Spring” (2014). The study pays special attention to the analysis of the preparation and conduct of special interagency operations of Russian troops (forces) and special services to seize Crimea, one of the elements of which was the integrated use of a number of information and propaganda measures aimed at various segments of the population and levels of management of law enforcement agencies and local governments. The author clarifies the role and place of paramilitary formations during the events of the so-called “Crimean Spring”. The study examines the main measures taken by the Ukrainian authorities to counteract the Russian Federation’s attempts to seize the Crimean Peninsula during the Crimean crisis (1992–1994) and the Crimean Spring (2014). As a result, the author draws conclusions that reveal more deeply the reasons for the effectiveness of the actions of the special services of the Russian Federation in the information and psychological sphere.</p>Hryhorii Chmykhalo
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2025-12-102025-12-10218519210.32782/cusu-hist-2025-2-20TO THE PROBLEM ABOUT TIMOKRATЕS’ MISSION
https://journals.cusu.in.ua/index.php/history/article/view/939
<p>The article examines the mission of Timocrates of Rhodes, sent by Satrap Pharnabazus during the period usually dated by researchers to between 397 and 395 BC, to the cities of Hellas. The mission is often interpreted as one of the decisive factors in the outbreak of the Corinthian War of 395–387 BC. The main focus is on the nature and significance of the 50 talents of silver brought by Timocrates: the funds are often assessed as ‘subsidies for waging war against the Lacedaemonians’, but a more accurate interpretation, given the context of events, is to view them as diplomatic ‘gifts’ within the Eastern political tradition. Based on an analysis of ancient sources – primarily Xenophon, the ‘Oxyrhynchus Historian’ and Plutarch – and a wide range of historiography – from the classical German school of the 19th century to contemporary studies by E. Runga, R. Sieger and S. Gonblaver – significant variability in the interpretation of this issue has been demonstrated. Assessments of the impact of Timocrates’ mission were determined not only by the source base, but also by the worldview and methodological approaches of researchers. A quantitative analysis of the financial capabilities of ancient city-states shows that the sum of 50 talents was clearly too small to have any significant impact on the course of military operations in the conditions of warfare at that time, but could play a role as personal gifts capable of stimulating the political activity of individual politicians, although even this incentive is debatable due to the aggressive attitude of the Hellenes towards accepting Achaemenid gifts. The chronology of the mission, the hypothetical chronological connection with the restoration of the Long Walls of Athens, and the general attitude of the Hellenes towards accepting Achaemenid funds are also considered. In conclusion, Timocrates’ mission was more of a coordination effort and a demonstration of goodwill on the part of the Achaemenids than outright bribery, and its significance in the unfolding of the Corinthian War should be assessed as additional, clearly lacking in decisive importance. The study deepens our understanding of the mechanisms of Hellenic-Achaemenid diplomacy and the mutual influence of political and financial factors in international relations in antiquity.</p>Mykhailo Polishchuk
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2025-12-102025-12-10212113210.32782/cusu-hist-2025-2-14REGULATIONS ON THE MAIN DEPARTMENT FOR LITERATURE AND PUBLISHING (GOLOVLIT) AS A SOURCE ON THE HISTORY OF THE FORMATION OF SOVIET CENSORSHIP POLICY
https://journals.cusu.in.ua/index.php/history/article/view/940
<p>This article analyzes the “Regulations on the Main Directorate for Literature and Publishing (Golovlit)” as a key regulatory document that laid the foundations of the Soviet system of political censorship in the 1920s and 1930s. Adopted in the early years of the Soviet state, the document not only set the organizational framework for Golovlit’s activities but also outlined the ideological principles underpinning the system’s operation. The article examines the structure and main provisions of the Regulations, with particular attention to the mechanisms that enabled the state to control both the content of printed materials and the entire publishing process – from book production to the distribution of literature, periodicals, and other printed works. The study demonstrates that the Regulations served as an instrument for reshaping social relations by turning literature and publishing into components of the ideological apparatus, designed to strengthen Bolshevik power. This ensured the dominance of a single ideology and the suppression of alternative viewpoints, underscoring the broader significance of the Regulations in shaping Soviet political culture. The document played a decisive role in institutionalizing practices of total social control. A comparative analysis of selected provisions of the Regulations with earlier instructions and decrees makes it possible to trace the evolution of Soviet censorship policy – from localized press control to a comprehensive system of ideological influence. The analysis highlights how censorship became an integral part of the establishment of a totalitarian regime, which pursued two main tasks: first, to present the political and economic situation of the Soviet Union in a manner favorable to the authorities; and second, to discredit opponents of the regime. The article is particularly relevant today, in light of the ongoing Russian-Ukrainian war, as it raises broader issues of freedom of speech and information security.</p>Inna Pozdniakova
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2025-12-102025-12-10213313810.32782/cusu-hist-2025-2-15INDO-PACIFIC IN THE BIDEN’S ADMINISTRATION STRATEGY AND POLICY
https://journals.cusu.in.ua/index.php/history/article/view/941
<p>This paper discusses the place of Indo-Pacific in the strategic documents of Biden’s administration, and implementation of its regional strategy with a focus on the development of U.S. bilateral and multilateral cooperation with treaty allies. It also identifies continuity and differences in its regional policy, compared to the previous administrations of D. Trump and B. Obama. This is an empirical study, based on a critical analysis of historical sources, that employes the research methods of content analysis of strategic and diplomatic documents, and comparative analysis of U.S. regional strategy and policy under the administrations of Joe Biden, D. Trump and B. Obama. The research revealed that Biden’s administration developed an integrated regional strategy and a concept of “integrated deterrence of aggression” by China, Russia, and other states within the framework of a “free and open Indo-Pacific”, inherited from Trump administration. It emphasized the importance of reinforcing treaty alliances and developing multilateral partnerships with the U.S. allies. While implementing this strategy, the United States deepened cooperation with Japan and Australia, resolved the most pressing problems in relations with the Republic of Korea, restored a high level of cooperation with the Philippines, and signed a new strategic document on the goals of the alliance with Thailand. Biden’s administration achieved the most progress, compared to previous ones, in creating and developing multilateral partnerships involving the U.S. allies. Following the policy of Obama administrations, trilateral cooperation with Japan and the Republic of Korea was institutionalized. In addition, the trilateral partnerships of the United States, the United Kingdom, Australia (AUKUS) and the United States, Japan, and the Philippines were launched, as well as the quadrilateral cooperation of the United States, Japan, the Philippines, and Australia. The U.S. continued the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad), resumed by the Trump administration; it was elevated to the level of summits. Like other Democratic administrations, it emphasized importance of multilateral economic U.S. involvement in the region. New approaches to regional economic cooperation were proposed through the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF) and the Global Infrastructure and Investment Partnership initiatives.</p>Nataliya Gorodnia
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2025-12-102025-12-10213915010.32782/cusu-hist-2025-2-16